Transition, Transformation and Radical Thinking.
Entertaining other possibilities.
So the day came and passed by swiftly. After a consultation with the debate organizers, the decision was made to have it only between two of the top candidates. Few of us have entertained the idea or possibility of the loss of both men maybe because it is so far fetched. But what would happen if the two most popular leaders ceased to exist. My guess is that the whole process would go into a tail spin and all of a sudden we would have no option but to listen and make space for the rest of them.
The task of two and the role of one.
From what we are told there was some expectation that Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta was going to be present but that was not the case. Instead Raila Odinga faced the crowds on his own. We were told that the numbers were impressive (in the age of digitization this process of monitoring is made much simpler). What the result of this was that Baba (as those who hold him in their affections refer to him) took on the role of both candidates.
A question that was presented helped bring this idea to the fore. The moderators were wondering if both candidates were simply extensions of their fathers both of whom were political giants in the history of the nation.
Were the two families holding the nation hostage?
Characteristic tribal affiliations.
Kenya has some similarity with Zimbabwe in the sense that those who were at the forefront of the fight of resistance against the British in this case the MAU MAU (Mzungu Arudi Ulaya Mwafrika Apate Uhuru) have always felt a sense of ownership over the country. In Zimbabwe the liberation fighters are still at the heart if the leadership of the nation and part of Robert Mugabe's unpopularity stems from his unwillingness to negotiate with the white settlers. A similar vein appears in South Africa with Julius Mlema whose attitude towards the white South Africans has drawn him quite a lot of ire. More recently in Kenya we have seen some of these ideas re-awakened with challenges against the ownership of precious tracts of land in the highlands as well as issues of land for pasture. What you have as a result of this is the creation of a historic few whose hold on the reins of power is now being questioned. I argue that the emergence of the Mungiki in the last few years in Kenya was probably a manifestation of this rift in thinking at least in the ranks of hard core Kikuyu resident. The battles against the British would have characteristically involved more Kikuyus especially because back in the day the territories that were being fought for were tribal lands.
The question regarding an entrenched core (or what is referred to as Mafia) stems from this period which merged the idea of oath taking and silence (OMERTÀ as it is known in the Italian language-the vow of silence).
Closer home too, we have seen the rise of this type of thinking especially as regards the removal of Idi Amin and Milton Obote. Those who were more prominent in the liberation struggle or at least those who made sure they were seen as being prominent have created a sense of entitlement.
The question regarding youth and employment.
The rise of the Mungiki was probably was manifestation of a problem regarding change within the youth who on one hand were close to their parents but distant with regards to experience. But this was unique to the Kikuyu as a core group at least in terms of population in Kenya. Maybe the same can be said of Somalia which survived for so long without a government but whose youth feel a sense of loyalty towards their faith and their territory. In the latter case, here has also been a merger of two rivers that represent the local youth and the young people that have grown up outside of Somalia, perhaps in places like the United Kingdom whose educations system is good at generating forward thinking graduates.
An export of western models in eastern contexts.
The debate format is probably an export from the west that is proving popular in our days. I think that the success of this method varies and depends heavily on the caliber of citizenry and the level of interest in these types of engagements. On the whole it seems as though the debates are have a larger audience abroad than locally. From what we saw similarities were drawn between the incumbent and our very own both of whom were not present at critical moments of the debate. The difference is that there was not too much of a reference to the empty chair as was the case in Uganda. The other difference is that on the local scene the hard of state got a chance to make up for the no show. What has emerged in the last few days is the use of FB live by Uhuru Kenyatta probably as a means to further engage his audience. It will be difficult to tell if there will be repercussions for the no show.
The polls, news items and social media.
2016/2017 was the year in which the poll was supposed of have fallen out of favor. No one saw or called the Rise of DJT. As things stand now, the pollsters are calling it even. There are no others on the radar unless they are flying low. But what is changing now is the extensive use of tools that seem to have affected the elections in the U.S such as false news.
The question of land, rents and landlords.
Historical Problems.
Probably the most telling moment for candidate was when he used the opportunity to remind the audience about his experience in Prison. The lights were affecting him and this helped serve as a reminder of the Moi years and the difficulties that many leaders faced when the stood in opposition to the KANU. What is interesting is the almost impossible task of figuring out the political party history of the country. From the FORD days (Forum for the Restoration of Democracy) and the split that created FORD Kenya, FORD ASILI to what we have now. Which is really the rise of those who were at the heard of the resistance movement of the day and who to this day can be trusted (at least in the eyes of the populace) with the political future of the Country.